U.S. Healthcare Problem Too Big for Employers and Workers
(6/20/2005)
Source: Los Angeles Times
Like a patient ignoring an
ominous lump, Washington has spent years hiding from
America's healthcare crisis. Now we'll soon learn
whether President Bush and Congress will pay attention
even if they are hit, so to speak, by a truck.
General Motors Corp. and
the United Auto Workers are barreling toward an explosive
collision over the company's effort to shift more of its
crushing healthcare burden to its unionized workers.
GM is seeking concessions
by the end of June, but union officials say they won't
change their labor contract before it expires in 2007.
With many Americans
already unnerved by persistent trade deficits, airline
pension defaults and GM's recent announcement of 25,000
layoffs, the political and economic consequences could be
profound if the GM-union conflict escalates into a strike
or lockout. Self-preservation alone might encourage a
president and a Congress with sinking approval ratings to
confront the underlying healthcare problems fueling this
dispute with even a fraction of the concern that they
mustered for the treatment of a single Florida woman,
Terri Schiavo.
To put it mildly,
exploding healthcare costs present a more tangible problem
for many more Americans than right-to-die cases. Since
2000, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation's
authoritative survey, healthcare premiums for
family coverage
have increased by 59%, six times faster than inflation.
Higher costs, which
encourage employers to drop coverage and discourage
employees from purchasing it when offered, are swelling
the number of uninsured. Meanwhile, managers and workers
in companies that still provide coverage are facing no-win
disputes over how to split escalating bills.
That tension triggered the
bitter four-month grocery strike settled last winter in
Southern California. Now, the same fuse is igniting the
confrontation between GM and the UAW.
The company's fundamental
problem is that it has not designed enough cars that
consumers like. But there's no question that unsustainable
healthcare bills are compounding its distress.
In 1996, GM spent $3
billion to provide healthcare to 1.2 million workers,
retirees and family members. This year, it expects to
spend $5.6 billion to cover 1.1 million people. That means
GM's per-person expenditures for healthcare have doubled
(from $2,500 to nearly $5,100) in less than a decade. GM
now spends more than $1,500 on healthcare for each car it
produces. That's more than it spends on steel.
More importantly, that's
also significantly more than its key foreign competitors
spend on healthcare. GM officials estimate that healthcare
costs for Toyota are only about one-fourth as much per
car, largely because the government pays more of the tab
in Japan than in the U.S.
This is a problem too big
for GM and its workers to resolve alone. Whether or not
they negotiate a new formula for dividing healthcare
costs, the prognosis is for perpetual conflict and
economic strain unless the overall increase in medical
costs is slowed. And that requires national action.
There's no silver bullet
for controlling medical costs. The inability of even a
massive consumer like GM, with its vast bargaining power,
to hold down its bills belies the simplistic suggestions
from Bush and conservative thinkers that transferring more
of the cost to individuals will significantly reduce costs
by making patients smarter consumers.
Instead, meaningful cost
control requires a comprehensive agenda. One place to
start would be by modernizing the healthcare industry's
antiquated record-keeping and billing systems.
Last week, the odd couple
of Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) and Sen.
Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) introduced legislation
that they estimated could cut total medical spending by as
much as 10% by providing incentives for hospitals and
other providers to computerize medical records that now
pass through too many hands and generate too many errors.
Next, Washington could
shoulder more of the cost for the handful of catastrophic
cases that inflate premiums for everyone else. As Rick
Wagoner, the GM chairman and chief executive, noted last
winter, 1% of patients generate 30% of the spending on
healthcare.
The best domestic policy
idea that Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.) produced in his
2004 presidential campaign directly addressed that
problem. Kerry proposed that Washington assume 75% of the
cost for any patient whose annual health expense reaches
$50,000. One leading analyst estimated that change alone
could reduce health insurance premiums by 10%.
Kerry plans to embody his
proposal in legislation this year. Frist hasn't progressed
as far toward a specific plan, but he has proposed a
public-private partnership that could absorb more risk for
the most expensive cases from individual health insurers.
What else? Allowing
Medicare to bargain directly for prescription drugs would
establish benchmarks that could lower the massive
pharmaceutical costs now inflating healthcare spending.
(GM alone spends about $1.5 billion annually on
prescriptions.) More creative efforts to encourage fitness
would reduce the incidence of expensive illnesses, such as
diabetes, linked to a widening (sorry) obesity problem.
Finally, covering more of
the nearly 45 million uninsured Americans would shrink the
huge bill for uncompensated care (recently estimated at
$43 billion annually) that the insured pay through higher
premiums.
Each of these steps would
require more federal spending or intervention in the
market. Big employers like GM contributed to their
problems by allowing their ideological resistance to such
activism to mute their support for innovative ideas like
Kerry's. But Wagoner now talks urgently about the need for
national action, and Washington should respond.
When it comes to
controlling healthcare costs, an old diagnosis applies:
What is good for GM actually would be good for America.
"That's the problem," Hill said.